Order on the Court

Newsweek

With Solicitor General Elena Kagan’s Supreme Court confirmation hearing due to start June 28, left-leaning skeptics worry that she may be more deferential to presidential war powers–at the expense of civil liberties–than retiring Justice John Paul Stevens.

It’s true that in the future, the justices are likely to take the president’s side more often than in the George W. Bush years. But if that’s the case, the main reason won’t be the expected confirmation of Kagan. The real reason may be simpler: that the court has less cause to intervene in national-security matters now that the Bush-Cheney administration’s extravagant claims of presidential power are history.

This is not to dismiss the speculation–by leftist critics, but also by some supporters of Kagan, including Harvard Law colleague Charles Fried–that she may be more inclined to support presidential war powers than Stevens. It was Stevens, after all, who led the liberal justices’ charge against Bush’s denial of due process to detained terrorism suspects. In doing so, Stevens and his liberal colleagues stretched judicial power over the military further than ever before.

View a gallery of recently-released documents marking Elena Kagan’s legal career, Jason Reed / Reuters-Corbis

While Kagan has said very little about such issues, her work representing the government in national-security cases has doubtless given her an appreciation of the challenges facing any wartime president. And records from her four years in the Clinton White House suggest that she may be less liberal overall than Stevens.

Leahy Proposal to Avoid 4-4 Ties: It’s About Timing

Newsweek

Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy has floated the idea of passing a new law to allow a retired Supreme Court justice to sit on a case in which a current justice has recused, to avoid 4—4 ties.

This proposal, reported on June 16 by National Law Journal’s Blog of Legal Times based on an interview with Leahy, who said he had drafted a bill and would probably introduce it, would be “a major shift in how the Court operates,” the blog said.

Here’s the BLT report. Leahy’s idea raises interesting questions and there is much to be said both for and against it.

But why is it popping up now? And why was Senator Orrin Hatch, R-Utah, so quick to tell the blog that his initial reaction was negative?

It has been widely known for many decades that recusals can produce 4-4 ties, an outcome regarded as a waste of the Court’s time because a tie vote creates no Supreme Court precedent, leaving the lower curt decision undisturbed, as though the justices had never studied the briefs, heard arguments, and cast their votes.

Leahy said that he got the idea of enlisting retired justices to avoid 4—4 votes from soon-to-retire Justice John Paul Stevens, who suggested it during a meeting.

Hmmmm. It’s not hard to see why Stevens–who is still sharp at age 90 and appeared to be torn about his decision to retire – might like to keep his hand in now and then.

As for Leahy, he is well aware that the only living justices who have already retired are David Souter and Sandra Day O’Connor.

Kagan’s Non-Denial Denial on Gay Marriage

Newsweek

In 2009, while seeking confirmation as solicitor general, Elena Kagan gave a seemingly forthright written response when asked in writing by Sen. John Cornyn: “Given your rhetoric about the Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell policy – you called it ‘a profound wrong – a moral injustice of the first order’ – let me ask this basic question: Do you believe that there is a federal constitutional right to same-sex marriage?”

Kagan’s entire response: “There is no federal constitutional right to same-sex marriage.”

Not much wiggle room there, you might think. Indeed, some Kagan supporters have cited this response in denouncing suggestions by critics that she might support a new right to same-sex marriage. So can we chalk Kagan up as a vote against same-sex marriage when she faces the issue as a justice? Well, no.

Cornyn clearly intended to ask whether Kagan’s personal view was that the U.S. Constitution should be interpreted to guarantee a right to same-sex marriage. But Kagan, when pressed later for clarification of her response, suggested somewhat opaquely that she had only been summarizing case law and public opinion. “I previously answered this question briefly, but (I had hoped) clearly, saying that ‘[t]here is no federal constitutional right to same-sex marriage,’ ” Kagan wrote in a March 18, 2009, letter to then-GOP Sen. Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania, now a Democrat. “I meant for this statement to bear its natural meaning. Constitutional rights are a product of constitutional text as interpreted by courts and understood by the nation’s citizenry and its elected representatives. By this measure, which is the best measure I know for determining whether a constitutional right exists, there is no federal constitutional right to same-sex marriage.”

The Myth of the Conservative Court

The Atlantic

The Supreme Court is dominated by right-wingers on a conservative activist, pro-corporate, anti-civil rights tear.

Or, perhaps, the court is driven by liberal activists who make up new constitutional rights out of whole cloth and may soon legislate a right to gay marriage.

It all depends on your point of view.

President Obama, his press secretary Robert Gibbs, Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Patrick Leahy, other congressional Democrats, New York Times editorialists, liberal groups, and others have been attacking Chief Justice Roberts and the other conservative justices for being aggressively conservative corporate shills. These critics’ goals seem to include greasing the wheels for confirmation of Elena Kagan and laying the groundwork for bolder Obama attacks on the court if it keeps messing with his agenda.

Conservatives — who have for decades accused the court of usurping elected officials’ powers to flog liberal causes — now find themselves on the rhetorical defensive.

So the Heritage Foundation fought back on Wednesday by holding an event entitled "The Myth of a Conservative Court and Why Liberals Peddle It," with conservative icon Ed Meese, President Reagan’s attorney general, moderating.

A notice for the event suggested that panelists would argue that it is "a sign of liberal vulnerability to the charge of left-wing activism that they are trying to ascribe their activist ways to others" and to "hoodwink journalists into propagating a moral equivalency between different judges that does not exist."

The Right’s Bogus Charge Against Kagan

The Atlantic

The most forceful line of attack on Elena Kagan during the confirmation hearing that starts Monday will be that she showed an "anti-military" bent when, as Dean of Harvard Law School, she "defied" a federal law by denying to military recruiters the help that the school’s Office of Career Services provided to other employers.

If senators and voters end up deciding that this is a fair characterization, it will be extremely damaging to Kagan’s chances. But it’s not fair.

Kagan does deserve some criticism for making rhetorical attacks on "the military’s" discrimination against gays while giving a pass to her former boss President Clinton and other Democrats who adopted the 1993 law that requires the military to discriminate.

But her policy did not single out military recruiters for disfavored treatment. Rather, it applied to them a longstanding law school rule denying any employer that discriminated against openly gay people access to the career services office.

And I’m betting that after she explains all the facts, she’ll be confirmed by a comfortable margin of 63-37 or thereabouts.

The claim that Kagan has been hostile to the military is confounded by evidence that — at the same time that she was enforcing the law school’s antidiscrimination rules against recruiters — she also praised the military as a "deeply honorable" and "noble" profession and took extraordinary pains to honor students who had served or planned to serve.

Elena Kagan’s ‘Judicial Hero’

Newsweek

In a far-from-conclusive effort to pinpoint Elena Kagan’s place on the ideological spectrum, the media have parsed her Princeton senior thesis, Oxford master’s thesis, law-clerk memos to Justice Thurgood Marshall, subsequent disagreements with him, Clinton White House memos, academic writings, speeches, legal briefs, and more.

But an intriguing clue that is riling up conservative blogs–so far unmentioned in the mainstream media–should somewhat allay liberal fears that Kagan will be a tepid moderate reluctant to advance liberal causes through expansive use of judicial power. The clue is Kagan’s glowing praise in 2006 for Aharon Barak, a world-renowned, retired Israeli Supreme Court justice whose creativity in advancing liberal causes by overturning elected officials’ policies makes Marshall look almost like a champion of judicial restraint. Speaking at a Harvard Law School award ceremony for Barak, then Dean Kagan praised the Israeli jurist as “my judicial hero” and “the judge who has best advanced democracy, human rights, the rule of law, and justice.”

One of America’s best and most nuanced legal minds, Judge Richard Posner, has pointed attention to Barak’s extraordinarily aggressive pattern of sweeping aside the actions of elected officials based on little more than his own policy preferences. In “Enlightened Despot,” an April 2007 New Republic reviewof Barak’s book The Judge in a Democracy, Posner wrote that Barak should be “considered Exhibit A for why American judges should be extremely wary about citing foreign judicial decisions.”

Recruiters: Kagan’s Forgivable Sin

National Journal

The main Republican line of attack on Supreme Court nominee Elena Kagan will be to paint her as antimilitary, at worst, or at best a fellow traveler of left-wing academic America-haters, based on what many have inaccurately called her "ban" on military recruiters as dean of Harvard Law School.

Kagan did discriminate against military recruiters for some months to protest the exclusion of openly gay people from the military. Is this a big blot on her record?

A little blot at worst, I’d say, and one offset by Kagan’s energetic and consistent support of students who had served and who planned to serve in the military, which she praised as a "noble" and "deeply honorable" profession.

 

One of Kagan’s great virtues was her success in taking a sledgehammer to the Harvard faculty’s high quotient of left-wing mindlessness.

 

Kagan’s short-lived denial to military recruiters of the same help that the law school provided to private employers was, in my view, an unwise way to protest the unjust 1993 law — adopted by a Democratic Congress and signed by President Clinton — that excluded openly gay people from the military.

"At a time of war, in the face of the grand civilizational challenge that radical Islam poses," charges Ed Whelan, head of the conservative Ethics and Public Policy Center, in National Review Online’s Bench Memos blog, "Kagan treated military recruiters worse than she treated the high-powered law firms that were donating their expensive legal services to anti-American terrorists."

Recruiters: Kagan’s Forgivable Sin – The Ninth Justice

National Journal

The main Republican line of attack on Supreme Court nominee Elena Kagan will be to paint her as antimilitary, at worst, or at best a fellow traveler of left-wing academic America-haters, based on what many have inaccurately called her "ban" on military recruiters as dean of Harvard Law School.

Kagan did discriminate against military recruiters for some months to protest the exclusion of openly gay people from the military. Is this a big blot on her record?

A little blot at worst, I’d say, and one offset by Kagan’s energetic and consistent support of students who had served and who planned to serve in the military, which she praised as a "noble" and "deeply honorable" profession.

Kagan’s short-lived denial to military recruiters of the same help that the law school provided to private employers was, in my view, an unwise way to protest the unjust 1993 law — adopted by a Democratic Congress and signed by President Clinton — that excluded openly gay people from the military.

"At a time of war, in the face of the grand civilizational challenge that radical Islam poses," charges Ed Whelan, head of the conservative Ethics and Public Policy Center, in National Review Online’s Bench Memos blog, "Kagan treated military recruiters worse than she treated the high-powered law firms that were donating their expensive legal services to anti-American terrorists."

Ouch. But Kagan’s restrictions on military recruiting were both inherited and largely symbolic. They do not appear to have impeded recruiters’ access to interested students. She held annual Veterans Day dinners at her home for students who had served. And three Iraq War veterans who were students on her watch praised "Dean Kagan’s strong record of welcoming and honoring veterans on campus" in a letter to the Senate Judiciary Committee.

Between a Rock and a Hard Place

Newsweek

It’s a pretty safe bet that the Democratic-ruled Senate will confirm Solicitor General Elena Kagan, President Obama’s Supreme Court nominee, by about Aug. 6, with over 60 votes. But that’s not to deny that many conservatives–and some liberals–will raise passionate complaints that the 50-year-old Kagan is unfit to be a justice. Indeed, they’ve been attacking her for as long as she has been the consensus front-runner for the nomination.

Conservatives and others have pounded especially hard on her efforts to exclude military recruiters from Harvard Law School’s career services facilities as a protest against the exclusion of gays from the military.

Few if any critics doubt that Kagan is extraordinarily intelligent and accomplished, or that she demonstrated great skill as a consensus-builder as dean of Harvard Law School, where she calmed the troubled ideological waters and won the admiration of conservative and liberal colleagues alike, from 2003 through 2008. But critics do claim that Kagan–who spent most of her career as a law professor and Clinton White House official, with very little courtroom experience before becoming Solicitor General–has less experience relevant to being a justice than any nominee in decades. Indeed, unlike all nine current justices, she has no judicial experience at all.

The New York-born Kagan would increase the Court’s domination by establishmentarians who attended Harvard and Yale law schools–six and three justices, respectively–and its remoteness from the struggles of ordinary Americans. But what really animates most critics is hostility to a nominee whom they consider too liberal or too conservative.

How GOP-appointed Justices Shift Left

The Dallas Morning News

Justice John Paul Stevens, who in most portrayals has migrated from the center of the court when appointed by President Gerald Ford in 1975 to its left flank, has told several reporters that his ideology has not really changed much. Rather, according to Stevens, he has remained about where he always was, while newer and younger appointees have pushed the court to the right.

The record suggests otherwise. Like many of us, this extraordinarily intelligent, self-effacing gentleman, who turned 90 on April 20, may be kidding himself a bit about his own consistency.

Like some other Republican-appointed justices in recent decades – Harry Blackmun and Sandra Day O’Connor and, to a lesser extent, David Souter , Warren Burger and Lewis Powell – Stevens has become markedly more liberal during his years on the court. Meanwhile, no Democratic-appointed justice has become substantially more conservative over time. This helps explain why, despite the fact that Republican presidents have appointed 12 of the last 15 justices, the court itself has never – or, at least not yet – made the dramatic right turn that many reporters and commentators have repeatedly proclaimed. Indeed, the court’s rulings have remained left of the center of general public opinion on most (though not all) of the biggest issues.

What explains the asymmetry in justices’ evolution? More on that below. First, some facts about Stevens and other leftward-moving justices.

Seen in his early years as an idiosyncratic loner given to writing separate opinions joined by no other justice, Stevens was never a solid conservative. But he joined conservatives on ideologically charged issues, including racial affirmative action, the death penalty, rights of criminal defendants, freedom of speech and government funding of abortion. Since about the mid-1980s, however, he has taken positions markedly to the left of where he started on these and other big issues.