Category Archives: Major Print Outlets

Stuart Taylor, Jr.’s media appearances in print publications.

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Outrages and Curmudgeonly Complaints

by Stuart Taylor, Jr.

In the spirit of the season, and in the hope of a fresh start-with malice toward none, with charity for all-in the new year, I hereby purge myself of various vexations of the old year:

LEFT-WING CLAPTRAP

• The hypocrisy of feminists who airily dismissed former clerical worker Paula Corbin Jones’ claim of sexual harassment against President Bill Clinton this year (Pat Schroeder "It just makes me want to throw up.") after having reflexively embraced law professor Anita Hill’s not-necessarily-more-credible claim against Clarence Thomas in 1991.

• Especially rich was the complaint by then New York Times columnist Anna Quindlen (PC feminism’s George Will) that "[a]bove all, her timing is troublesome," because Jones waited almost three years, until Clinton was president, to go public. Perhaps Quindlen forgot that her heroine Anita Hill waited 10 years to blow the whistle on Thomas, who was voted a federal judgeship (and from whom Hill sought and accepted a few favors) in the interim.

• The Rev. Jesse Jackson’s demagogic claim that the Rev. Pat Robertson’s conservative Christian Coalition (or its antecedents) had been a "strong force in [Nazi] Germany" and was associated with the Holocaust and with slavery in the old South.

• The "Equal Employment Opportunity Handbook" of the Food and Drug Administration’s Center for Biologies Evaluation and Research, a formula for quota hiring that warns against inquiry into virtually all of the things that an employer might want to know about an applicant’s qualifications. For example:

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Why Term Limits Flout the Framers Intent

by Stuart Taylor, Jr.

"A few of the members, as happens in all such assemblies, will possess superior talents; will, by frequent reelections, become members of long standing; will be thoroughly masters of public business…The greater the proportion of new members and the less the information of the bulk of the members, the more apt they will be to fall into the snares that may be laid for them."

–James Madison, The Federalist, No. 53

”The gentlemen deceive themselves; the amendment would defeat their own design. When a man knows he must quit his station, let his merit be what it may, he will turn his attention chiefly to his own emolument."

–Alexander Hamilton (arguing at New York ratification convention that term-limits laws would make representatives less accountable to the people)

I think term-limits laws are bad policy-a cure worse than the various diseases of entrenched incumbency. Rather than some arcadian realm of "citizen legislators." term limits would (I conjecture) give us legislators whose main distinctions from the ones we have now would be a relative lack of useful experience, knowledge, and seasoning: a greater inability to coalesce behind leaders, en-sage in reasoned deliberation, and produce coherent legislative programs: a greater dependence on the lobbyists and special interests that finance campaigns and provide employment opportunities for ex-legislators.

I therefore bring a certain bias to the question of whether state laws aimed at forcing long-term incumbents out of Congress should be struck down as unconstitutional, on which the Supreme Court heard arguments on Nov. 29 in an Arkansas case. U.S. Term Limits v. Thornton. But 1 also have a countervailing bias: When in doubt, the Court should let voters try out any damn fool idea they please.

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Crazy in California

by Stuart Taylor, Jr.

California’s voters have given us an occasion for melancholy reflection about the moral underpinnings of immigration policy, and about the condition of democracy in America. By a margin of 59 percent to 41 percent, Californians voted Nov. 8 to enlarge the underclass by kicking out of school hundreds of thousands of children of illegal immigrants; to increase crime by condemning them to roam the streets; to spread infectious disease by denying them vaccinations and other basic health care; and to create a police state by enlisting teachers, doctors, nurses, and even the children themselves as Soviet-style informants against their parents.

All this, also known as Proposition 187, is brought to you by some of the same "conservatives" who are so eager to stem the expansion of our home-grown underclass as to tout the "let ‘ em starve" variant of welfare reform, and so eager to liberate The People from big-government meddling as to seek tax cuts that would bankrupt the nation.

Of course Proposition 187 supporters like California Gov. Pete Wilson say that the vote was about saving the taxpayers the estimated $1.4 billion a year that it costs to educate more than 300,000 children of illegal immigrants. But any short-term savings will be dwarfed by the long-term costs.

Supporters also suggest that 187 will discourage illegals from coming to sponge off U.S. taxpayers. The columnist George Will, for example, paints the initiative as a righteous refusal of "welfare state" benefits to "people seeking entitlements from a state in which their presence was illegal." This effort to tar public education as some kind of exotic welfare-state entitlement combines demagogic pap with mindless scapegoating of innocent children.

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Affirmative Action and Ambivalence

by Stuart Taylor, Jr.

Racial preferences, or affirmative action, or quotas, or call-them-what-you-will, are back in the news:

• The Supreme Court-which has picked up four new justices in four years while losing its three strongest proponents of affirmative action-has agreed to decide a racial-preference case for the first time since it struck down a state program in 1989 and upheld a federal one in 1990, leaving the law in a state of uncertainty. The case, Adarand Constructors v. Peña, involves the preferential award of a federal highway subcontract in Colorado.

• Likely to arrive at the Court by 1996 is Taxman v Board of Education of Piscataway, a case that the Clinton Justice Department has made famous-to the delight of Republicans hoping to unseat the president-by defending a New Jersey school district’s decision to lay off a white teacher and keep an equally qualified black teacher, on the basis of race.

Also headed for the Court is the most disconcerting case of all: Hopwood v. Texas, an appeal involving the University of Texas Law School by white applicants challenging the school’s policy of seeking 5 percent black and 10 percent Hispanic enrollment by admitting several times as many minority students as would a colorblind process and passing over hundreds of whites with higher grades and test scores. Virtually every elite university in the country does the same, 16 years after the Court held in Regents of the University of California v. Bakke, 438 U.S. 265 (1978), that any regime that operates as a quota system driven by racial numbers was unconstitutional.

The supposedly temporary experiment with modest racial preferences on which this nation embarked in the 1970s has become a long-term, self-perpetuating addiction. With no end in sight, it is sapping the health of the body politic.

Both the benefits and the costs of racial preferences are familiar.

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The Haiti Precedent: Limiting The Damage

by Stuart Taylor, Jr.

Having accused President Bill Clinton of preparing " a near-fatal blow to the framers’ carefully crafted restraints on the president’s war-making power" ["A Betrayal of the Constitution," Sept.19 1994, Page25], I write now to concede (with some relief) that the not-quite-invasion of Haiti ended up doing less damage to the constitutional fabric than I had feared.

I also respond below to a rebuttal by Lee A. Casey and David B. Rivkin Jr. ["In Constitutional Interpretation, Read the Framers’ Words," Oct. 3, 1994, Page 24], who defend-as well as anyone could, perhaps-a position bordering on the frivolous: that the framers of the Constitution gave the president sweeping power to invade any nation in the world without congressional consent.

President Clinton committed an unconstitutional act (in my view) by ordering an invasion of Haiti on Sept. 18 without a prior congressional vote of approval. But the importance of that act as a precedent for future presidents planning unconstitutional adventures was limited, thanks to some careful lawyering by Walter Dellinger, head of the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel (and thanks also to the last-minute deal with Haiti’s milijary that averted actual hostilities.)

In a Sept. 27 response to an inquiry from Senate Minority Leader Robert Dole and others, Dellinger offers a set of after-the-fact legal rationales for the unconsummated invasion that have the significant virtue of being narrow and Haiti specific. The assistant attorney general’s letter will be of less value to those claiming broad presidential power to launch future invasions than to those opposing such claims.

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Feminism and Educational Opportunity

by Stuart Taylor, Jr.

I have two daughters, 7 and 10 years old. I want them to have every opportunity to develop their educational potential to the fullest, so that they will be able to (among other things) compete against men for good jobs. And I am concerned that their opportunities will be diminished-not enlarged-by one of the feminist movement’s current crusades.

Feminist groups and their allies in the Justice Department are urging the courts to force the nation’s two remaining bastions of all-male, boot-camp-style, state-supported military education-Virginia Military Institute (VMI) and The Citadel, in South Carolina-to admit women. These cases, pending in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit, seem likely to produce a major Supreme Court ruling. And if recent precedents are any guide, the feminists may well win.

I’m afraid that my daughters will be among the losers.

The immediate effect of such a decision, of course, would be to create opportunities for the tiny handful of young women who want the attend VMI and The Citadel. These institutions argue, on the other hand, that coeducation would impair the educational and social development of a considerably larger number of young men: those who thrive on the kind of harsh regimen of physical and psychological adversity that VMI and The Citadel now offer, which might have to be watered down to accommodate coeducation.

Of more concern to me is the probable secondary effect of a precedent barring all male education at VMI and The Citadel: It would raise higher the already daunting legal barriers to experimentation with any form of public single-sex education.

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A Betrayal of the Constitution

by Stuart Taylor, Jr.

In a sad display of Democratic hypocrisy-only cosmetically offset by a smaller dose of the Republican variety-President Bill Clinton is about to trash one of the Constitution’s cardinal principles: its solemn reservation to Congress of the power "to declare war."

If this would-be imperial president fulfills his lawless (and foolish) vow to invade Haiti without first seeking a congressional vote of approval, he and his congressional accomplices will have administered a near-fatal blow to the framers’ carefully crafted restraints on the President’s war-making power.

Already weakened by decades of Cold War strangulation-most recently by Presidents Reagan and Bush-those restraints may not survive this betrayal by their supposed Democratic guardians. Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell of Maine, House Speaker Thomas Foley of Washington and many others have abdicated their constitutional responsibilities and bowed to Bill Clinton’s power grab.

The planned 20,000-troop invasion of Haiti would surpass recent Republican rapes of the Constitution in at least one sense: It would be the first time a president has launched an invasion without seeking congressional consent solely because he couldn’t get it. It will also apparently be the first time an invasion has been sped up to pre-empt Congress from voting to forbid it.

Worse still, the White House claims power to launch an invasion even if Congress does forbid it. Or, at least, so one anonymous official told The New York Times, " ‘Either the [congressional] leadership figures out a way not to have the vote, or we find some compromise, or we lose and go ahead with the invasion anyway.’ " Having thus posited a presidential predisposition to commit an impeachable offense, this official blandly added, " ‘Politically, there are no great options.’ ”

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Blazing a Trail Out of the Voting-Rights Brawl

by Stuart Taylor, Jr.

On June 28, 1993, in Shaw v. Reno, the Supreme Court held that it is presumptively unconstitutional (and too much like "political apartheid") for states to manipulate voting-district lines for the purpose of moving black or Hispanic voters toward proportional representation-at least if the resulting shapes are "bizarre."

On June 30, 1994, in Johnson v. De Grandy, the Court suggested that the Voting Rights Act may often require states to manipulate voting-district lines for the purpose of moving black or Hispanic voters toward proportional representation.

What’s a state supposed to do? Comply with the Voting Rights Act by violating the Constitution? Comply with the Constitution by violating the Voting Rights Act?

Or try to thread the needle, by somehow divining what the Court will deem too "bizarre" a shape, and then designing districts to pass that test (barely), while coming as close as possible to creating majority-minority enclaves in numbers proportionate to the racial makeup of the relevant population?

As the law now stands, many states (and courts) are likely to choose the latter course. They will extract from the voting-rights jurisprudence of the Rehnquist Court a peculiar touchstone: Go for proportionality, but don’t be too bizarre about it.

This sorry (not to say bizarre) state of affairs is what happens when a badly splintered Court-with warring camps that seem to talk past one another rather than to seek common ground-confronts an issue that calls for statesmanlike accommodation of two conflicting imperatives.

The first imperative is that Congress has properly decreed that in places where racial bloc voting predominates, majority-black and majority-Hispanic districts must sometimes be created to protect these traditionally underrepresented groups from having their voting power negated or diluted by submergence in a sea of whites.

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Too Many Clients

by Stuart Taylor, Jr & Daniel Klaidman

The American Lawyer

There is a Byzantine dance that goes on in this town," says Washington superlawyer Robert Bennett, "where the press is quick to crown you, and then they set about to tarnish the crown."

Bob Bennett-the chunky, scrappy, savvy, media-wise, onetime boys’ boxing champ; the tenacious trial lawyer with street-fighting instincts, and a lust for the limelight; the man who has honed his press-spinning talents while stalking the Keating Five on national television in 1990 and 1991, while massaging (and, some say, subtly threatening) the Bush White House to get former Defense secretary Caspar Weinberger a Christmas Eve pardon in 1992, while helping Clark Clifford and his protege Robert Altman beat state and federal prosecutions in 1993-has discovered the fickleness of the press.

Not to mention the hazards of falling out with a high-profile client-especially when the client is Congressman Dan Rostenkowski, who clearly has legitimate grievances.

This article will show that-at a minimum-Bennett inexcusably failed to consult adequately with the then chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee before taking on the representation of President Clinton in f the Paula Jones sexual harassment case. It also tells how Bennett’s representation of Clinton provoked tensions in the Rostenkowski camp, and raised concerns in the mind of the chief prosecutor. Bennett went on television to defend his new client, the president, at the most delicate stage in the Clinton Justice Department’s deliberations over whether to indict Rostenkowski. To outsiders, it looked like the president’s lawyer would now be lobbying the Justice Department on behalf of the congressman- who just happened to be a key ally in the administration’s push for comprehensive health insurance.

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If O.J. Did It, Lock Him Up Forever

by Stuart Taylor, Jr.

Americans have a lamentable tendency to be overly punitive toward relatively minor criminals, like small-time drug couriers, and overly indulgent toward moneyed murderers with psychobabble sob stories, like the parricidal Menendez brothers.

Will O.J. Simpson be a beneficiary of the latter tendency, opening a new celebrity chapter in the how-to-get-away-with-murder’book? Or might his case mark a salutary turn toward taking death seriously, by locking killers up for the rest of their natural lives?

It must be stipulated that not quite enough evidence has so far been disclosed (or tested by the rigors of trial) to be certain that Simpson wielded the knife that so savagely tore into his ex-wife and the male friend whose body fell next to hers. The presumption of innocence has its claims-even though I have trouble imagining why a man who thought that someone else had just killed the woman he loved would be acting the way Simpson has been acting. (Example: His self-regarding "suicide" note, which says that "if we had a problem, it’s because I loved her so much" and that "[a]t times I have felt like a battered husband or boyfriend.")

But if the evidence does prove that Simpson killed Nicole Brown Simpson and Ronald Goldman, he should spend the rest of his life’ behind bars. The law needs to teach people a lesson that it has not been teaching in recent decades: If you murder another human being, you will be put away forever. No excuses. No parole. Period.

(I’m against the death penalty, but that’s another column.)

Anything like a 10-years-for-manslaughter outcome in Simpson’s case would further entrench our law’s longstanding bad habit of trivializing the battery and murder of women by their husbands and lovers. It would also advance the pernicious new trend toward letting killers avoid serious punishment by combining appeals for sympathy with deterministic explanations of their criminal behavior.