Opening Argument – ‘High Crimes’: Precedents And Hypocrites

National Journal

Consider some wise words of great consequence for two critical issues now pending before the Senate. The first issue is whether President Clinton’s alleged perjuries and obstructions of justice rise to the level of impeachable ”high crimes and misdemeanors.” The second is whether the allegations of prosecutorial misconduct by Independent Counsel Kenneth Starr are relevant to the Senate trial.

The wise words: ”It is incumbent on the Senate to fulfill its constitutional responsibility and strip this man of his title. . . . An individual guilty of such reprehensible conduct ought not be permitted to exercise the awesome powers which the Constitution entrusts to (him). . . .”

And: ”(His) contention seems to be that but for a vast conspiratorial vendetta, his innocence would have been proven or the charges would never have been brought. . . . He suggests that federal prosecutors pursued him so relentlessly and unscrupulously that they bargained for perjured testimony (and) that exculpatory evidence was withheld and . . . witnesses . . . intimidated. . . . If the claims have merit, steps should be taken to rectify the wrong. Remedial measures, however, will in no way abrogate the finding that (he) has engaged in impeachable conduct.”

Thus spake then-Senator Al Gore, in 1986, during the impeachment trial of U.S. District Judge Harry E. Claiborne for lying on two tax returns by grossly understating his income–that is, for lying to the government about a private matter involving no abuse of his official powers.

In removing Claiborne by a 90-7 vote, the Senate ruled that criminal lies about private matters amount to high crimes and misdemeanors.

NewsHour: A Look at the Chief Justice – January 13, 1999

MARGARET WARNER: Stuart, what else do we need to know about this man that you think will affect how we conduct this trial?

STUART TAYLOR: Well, you cover it pretty well. I think the top of it is – he’s a very smart man – he’s no nonsense – as Jeff recently wrote in the New Yorker. He runs a poker game that includes some interesting players, and the idea is let’s play the poker, no nonsense. The one quibble I might have with what we just heard was the word "stern task master." Yes, he runs the court on tight schedule but he is liked and regarded as very fair in dealing with that by his colleagues.

I well remember Justice William Brennan, the late justice, one of the great liberals and the polar opposite ideologically of Rehnquist. I went to him after a bitterly, bitterly divided partisan ideological debate that led to Rehnquist’s confirmation as chief justice in 1986, and I asked Justice Brennan, what do you think of it? "I’m just delighted. He’s such a wonderful guy. He’ll be fair." Now, Brennan wasn’t particularly going to miswarrant Berger either. That might have been part of it. But I think he’s in a very different forum than he’s ever been in before because although when he brings down the gavel in the court and says counsel, your time is up, they salute, and they march away, and the other justices don’t challenge him on things like that. But in the Senate he can be overruled by 51 Senators on anything he does. And the most interesting thing for me watching him will be this. Will he try and set an aggressive tone in ruling, for example, if somebody wants censure, if there’s an argument over what evidence should come in, will he say in a clear and forceful way, well, here’s what I think and hope they don’t overrule him at the risk of

(a) being repeatedly overruled or

Opening Argument – The ‘Agony’ Of Facing The Facts

National Journal

Much ink has been spilled about the felt need of all civilized people to avoid the ”agony” of having (gasp!) witnesses testify about (eek!) facts in the well of the Senate.

Hide in your homes! Lock up your children! Smash your TV sets! The Great Trauma is coming! Monica is marching on the Capitol–and she’s going to go on and on for months about . . . I Can’t Bear To Say It!

Well. I am told by two of the 13 House managers who will prosecute the case that their witnesses should take only a week or two, and that their direct examination of Monica Lewinsky about what President Clinton called their ”inappropriate, intimate” contacts will probably go something like this: Q: Ms. Lewinsky, did you give sworn testimony on Aug. 6 and 20 to the grand jury convened by Independent Counsel Kenneth Starr, and on Aug. 26 in a deposition taken by his staff?

A: Yes.

Q: And do you have with you the official transcripts of that testimony?

A: Yes.

Q: Have you reread them today?

A: Yes.

Q: Are they an accurate account of your testimony in every respect?

A: They are.

Q: In particular, is your testimony in these transcripts entirely accurate as to details of the 10 meetings during which you had sexual contacts with the President, and he with you, between November 1995 and March 1997?

A: Yes.

Q: And is your current recollection of those 10 meetings consistent with that testimony in every detail?

A: Yes.

Q: And how detailed is your current recollection of those 10 meetings?

A: Very detailed.

Q: Thank you. I have no further questions on that subject.

Opening Argument – Why the Senate Might Remove Him

National Journal

”No one imagines that the Senate will come close to obtaining the two-thirds majority needed to convict the President and remove him from office,” The New York Times asserted on Dec. 13, in a ”Week in Review” piece by David E. Rosenbaum.

In case anyone had missed the point, The Times repeated it the next day, in a news report by Adam Clymer.

Wrong. Actually, I’d put the odds of removal (or forced resignation) at about one in three.

These latest exercises in wishful thinking recall the front-page assertion by The Times on April 2 that ”it is now politically inconceivable that Congress will consider impeachment.” That was in a ”news analysis” by John M. Broder.

In fact, President Clinton may well be ousted, as people focus more on the facts, the law, and the dangers of having a crippled President for more than two years. Public opinion, which appears to be moving already, could come to favor resignation or removal so decisively as to touch off a wave of Democratic calls for Clinton to go. That would set the stage for his trial, conviction, and removal by a solidly bipartisan Senate vote if he won’t spare us the trouble by resigning.

A Senate trial would be far shorter (a few days or at most weeks of floor proceedings), and less traumatic and pornographic, than the White House and its media allies would like us to think. In this scenario, Al Gore would probably become President sometime in February.

Impeachment: A NewsHour Special – Rep. Bob Livingston Resigns – December 19, 1998

MARGARET WARNER: Paul, Senate Majority Leader Bob Dole just sent out another sort of public letter yesterday saying even though he would have voted to impeach in the House, he still thinks some sort of censure deal is the way to go. Do you think Dole’s going to play an active role in this? Do you think he has clout if he decides to do so?

PAUL GIGOT: Oh, he has some personal contacts among senators, obviously. He was their leader for a time on the Republican side, and he has some moral authority as a former Republican candidate, well respected figure. So there may be people who heed him. I think it’s a little easier to have censure in the Senate because you’re now ñ than it was in the House ñ because you’re now in the punishment stage; you’re now in determining how the ñ how the case ultimately comes out. He has been impeached. And I think that in terms of heeding the Constitution, nobody doubts that the Senate can do what it wants. I mean, there was some debate about what the House could do, but nobody doubts the Senate can dismiss the case if it wants. It can agree to some kind of plea bargain, or it can go up to it and remove the president.

NORMAN ORNSTEIN: Margaret, this is where there are now two crucial figures who will come to the floor ñ Trent Lott, the Senate Majority Leader and Tom Daschle, Senate Democratic leader, who’s also very close to President Clinton. Trent Lott will have a major role in determining whether the Senate now moves to a trial and then after that point reaches a different stage, or whether something else can happen. And the events of the next week or ten days are going to be very important in determining whether or not he makes the political judgment that maybe we should not hold a trial or short circuit in some fashion and ñ or whether we orchestrate a way of getting through this.

Opening Argument – Deceptive Defense Brief

National Journal

To get the flavor of President Clinton’s long-awaited, 184-page, definitive defense against charges of criminality and impeachable offenses, let’s turn to page 77.

That’s where the Clinton brief seeks to explain away a succession of sworn statements he made during his Jan. 17 deposition in the Paula Jones case, which claimed that while he may have ”exchange(d) a few words” with Monica Lewinsky ”once or twice” when she brought things to the Oval Office, he had no specific recollection of ever being alone with her in any room in the White House.

What says the President now that we all know he had some 10 sexual encounters with Lewinsky in various rooms in the Oval Office complex?

The Clinton brief, released on Tuesday, begins by asserting that this particular perjury charge hinges on ”the incorrect premise that the President testified that he was never alone with Ms. Lewinsky.” False. That’s not the charge, and Clinton’s lawyers know it.

Then the Clinton brief quotes a question and answer from the deposition, truncating both with apparent intent to deceive: ”For example, the President answered ‘Yes’ to the question ‘Your testimony is that it was possible, then, that you were alone with her . . . ?’ ”

Here’s the actual question and answer, in which I have italicized the critical words that Clinton’s lawyers chose to delete.

Q: ”So I understand, your testimony is that it was possible, then, that you were alone with her, but you have no specific recollection of that ever happening?”

A: ”Yes, that’s correct. It’s possible that she, in, while she was working there, brought something to me and that at the time she brought it to me, she was the only person there. That’s possible.”

NewsHour Impeachment Coverage: Analysis and Commentary – The President’s Defense

JIM LEHRER: President Clinton’s legal defense before the House Judiciary Committee. Stuart Taylor of the National Journal and Newsweek magazines and Tom Oliphant of the Boston Globe are back to offer their commentary. The NewsHour’s chief Washington correspondent, Margaret Warner, is here to assist me in keeping the story line going, among other things. And speaking of the story line, tell us what it is this afternoon.

MARGARET WARNER: Well, this is the big moment that everyone’s been waiting for, I think the President’s detractors, as well as his supporters. This is when Charles Ruff, the White House counsel, lays out the president’s defense both factually and on the law. And he –

JIM LEHRER: And there he is, sitting. He’s already at the witness table, waiting for the committee members, and the man directly behind him is David Kendall, who is the president’s personal lawyer, now being obstructed by a – there you go – there, you can see him – just to Mr. Ruff’s left. That is David Kendall, the president’s personal lawyer, who is not scheduled to participate in this, this afternoon, correct?

MARGARET WARNER: That’s correct. He did the questioning of Kenneth Starr when Kenneth Starr appeared before the committee. But he has been kept out of a public role in these hearings this week.

JIM LEHRER: And Mr. Ruff will – will obviously be speaking – what he says will be based on the 182-page paper that the White House has offered, correct?

NewsHour Impeachment Coverage: Analysis and Commentary – The President’s Defense

TOM OLIPHANT: Well, we got – we got the moment before the climactic moments of this inquiry — I think in terms of testimony and everything, this panel has ended the House Judiciary Committee’s impeachment inquiry, and other than hearing from the poor defendant’s lawyer and having the case summarized and articles presented and voted on, the case is pretty much over.

JIM LEHRER: Do you agree?

STUART TAYLOR: Yes. Of course, we haven’t seen the articles yet. The indictment hasn’t quite been – but we know the rough outlines of what it will be – perjury here, perjury there, grand jury – obstruction of justice, which really is in this case – boils down largely to witness tampering with Betty Currie and Monica Lewinsky. And obviously, the censure option is coming more and more into focus in this committee. We’ve seen reports that the chairman will allow a vote on censure after a vote on impeachment to give those who favor that an option. I think one thing that may be very difficult – lots of people say let’s just censure him – is okay, what is the censure motion going to say, and how do you get all the people who want to say he lied, he lied, he’s a criminal, prosecute him, together with all the people who want to say he was a naughty boy, and we don’t want to really look at it anymore, plus the people who say a fine would be an unconstitutional bill of attainder and those who like Governor Weld of Massachusetts – the former governor – say, oh, no, you can do that if he agrees to it – I think that’s going to be very tricky business.

NewsHour Impeachment Coverage: Analysis and Commentary – The President’s Defense

JIM LEHRER: And, once again, good morning from Washington. I’m Jim Lehrer. Welcome to PBS’s special NewsHour coverage of the House Judiciary Committee hearings on the impeachment of President Clinton. Today, the President’s attorneys wrap up their two-day impeachment defense. We expect to hear from a panel of five attorneys on the standards for obstruction of justice and perjury and then from Charles Ruff, the White House counsel. We’ll be broadcasting today’s proceedings in full. The NewsHour’s chief Washington correspondent, Margaret Warner, is here with me this morning. So are two commentators: Stuart Taylor, a columnist for the National Journal and Newsweek magazines, and Boston Globe columnist Tom Oliphant.

JIM LEHRER: Margaret, the plan for the day is what?

MARGARET WARNER: Well, as you said, Jim, first we’re going to hear a panel of five lawyers, former prosecutors or current prosecutors. And they’re going to – very much as yesterday – talk about the standards for prosecuting both obstruction of justice and perjury. The sort of star witness –

JIM LEHRER: In criminal – in a criminal –

MARGARET WARNER: In a criminal –

JIM LEHRER: If this was, in fact, a criminal case.

MARGARET WARNER: Exactly.

JIM LEHRER: That’s what they’re going to be talking about.

NewsHour: Analysis of Clinton’s Defense, Day 2 – December 9, 1998

JIM LEHRER: Tom, what do you make of – here are two of the target members of Congress,>two members of the House, two moderate Republicans, twenty to thirty of them, everybody says – their colleagues and folks like that are going to make the decision – what do you make of what they just told Margaret?

TOM OLIPHANT: Well, they underlined the mountain that President Clinton has to climb. They exemplify it. In the first case, Congresswoman Roukema, of course, has been for getting rid of Clinton for some months now – previously via resignation. And Congressman Shays is also in an interesting position. He has had a lot of backlash from contributors. And he has teamed up with the majority whip, Tom Delay, at least to talk down the issue of censure, though he remains opposed to impeachment. I think in Congressman Roukema you have a wonderful example of how easy it is for a member of the House to look at something that was given to the House by an independent counsel and sort of react to it, say, I believe this, I don’t believe that, you have no responsibility for an investigation that the House conducted, and so both within the Judiciary Committee and on the House floor, there’s a kind of free market atmosphere here where you don’t really have to take responsibility for an investigation that you never actually conducted.

JIM LEHRER: And just move it over to the Senate, as you said.

TOM OLIPHANT: Exactly.